The Hartlib Papers

Title:Copy Letter In Scribal Hand A, [Worsley?] To [Boyle?]
Dating:Undated [Late 1658-Early 1659]
Notes:Copy continues at 60/2/1A-4B in different scribal hand.

Deare Sir
I received about 2 daies since your large Letter with severall Communications for which I most kindly & humbly thancke you, especially for your great care & mindfullnes of me in that Businesse to Sir K. Digby whose answers if full & particular will much oblige mee. I shall therefore persevere in renewing & insisting on my former Petition still to you in that matter.   I thancke you Sir particularly for your description of the new Clockes or Dialls which I have oft writt about, but never had so much satisfaction as vntill now. It much qvickening & adding a kind of life to mee to heare of anything growing to a perfection, That being the State to which I expect the sudden motion or concentration of all things. The prospect of which also the Lord hath in some measure placed in my eye.       Two or three things neverthelesse I shall desire to bee further informed of <1st> whether there bee noe possibility of applying this new motion to portable or pocket watches. Secondly Whether that of Fromantells rare clock with a double spring be the same with this of Hugenius (as I presume they are not) & if not the same, which is the more exact. Thirdly Whether this new motion will not be inconstant through any change of weather, as it is supposed all other motions are. Fourthly What small aberrations this new motions are observed to make according an exact calculation by the Sunn within the space of a compleate months Time.    Fifthly How farr this observation or exactnesse hath beene putt to Triall. Sixthly Whether the subdivisions of howres into minutes, & seconds which I take to bee the most usefull distribution of the measure of time, be exactly answerable the one to the other.
      should also be very glad to have a briefe of those 3. systemes of Saturne & his Planet, vizt. Hugenius, Gassendus, & Wrens, & wherein they principally differ, as also to know whether any thing hath beene of late more accurately discovered in the Heavens then formerly or anything new. And especially to know the ground in supposing Mr Wren hath the longest & best telescope in the world, that proposition being not only generall but exclusive & therefore I presume grounded on a knowledge that is perfect: which I would bee glad to heare as also who was the happy constructer or maker of it.
     And now wee are fallen vpon opticall experiments I shall acqvaint you that I did about a yeare or somewhat more since, propound to myself a history of Opticall Experiments the better to augment ascertaine & illustrate the science itself & by improving that, to improve also the further power & benefit of the Art. In order to which I had drawne a Scheme or series of such exact Tryalls to bee made & registred, as if begun would easily freely & orderly follow & give light one to another. And by which (though I did but only <left margin & below: a little while persue it) I found many things more worthy also to bee made publicke then those things commonly written or knowne: I shall only> instance one or 2 for your recreation sake.

Æmulating a little the vanity of Sir Paul Neale, & Mr Reeves in glorying that the Art of erecting the figure by Convexes was a skill in reference to the Rule & exactenesse of it, proper only to them. And much doubting as well vpon severall experiments made not by myselfe only, but others, & by the very nature of refraction itselfe, & the difference of it allmost in every individuall glasse, though ground on one & the same Toole: Whether really & truely a man can have any Rule at all, that was certaine in that case I meane in reference to the computing the exact proportions of their distances one from another vpon supposition of their respective Diameters; I adventured to seeke a directions rather more blunt ready & mechanicall. After a few Tryalls I saw I had not only found out the mystery of erecting the figure by convexe glasses, but had found out a medium also to place each glasse so at his due distance that I could rectify somewhat even the setting of them by the great Masters of the Art. And that this I could doe in Tubes of all lengths & in changing or shifting any <of> those convexes from their places or in putting in of other convexes one after another. My boldnesse wherein made mee proceede to from vary my experiments severall waies: And these still led me more & more to see the necessity of a Hystory of of this kind rather then Books (which my Lord Verulam doth justly commend for the augmenting of all manner discipline & Art whatsoever) For whereas I tooke it as granted that the Convexes, if not of eqvall diameters, would not render the objects cleare & that these being alterd the Object would hardly bee seene. I found the contrary & that convexes of vnequall Diameters <left margin: will doe best, yea that by proportioning these in severall vneqvall Diameters> one to another & the furthest of them to the object glasse. The object may be much greatned & the experiment alleadged by Wiselius possible to be effected viz. that a Tube of 6 foote may augment the object this way eqvall to a Tube of 12. foote in the ordinary way, which I thought became me thus at large to acqvaint you of, to improve as you see cause with the rest of those worthy persons that are with you. Having proceeded myselfe only thus farr, as I tell you, & giving it over again, partly in reguard I grudged the time it ingrossed from other exercises; partly & mainely, because I wanted those workemen that were necessary; & no person either to assist mee, or to exercise mee in those Tryalls.
And for as much as you have beene pleased to lett me know that you have beene making experiments in darke roomes, I shall also acqvaint you, That if all that Hevelius saith may bee relyed vpon, I have ground to judge it

possible to have more exact discernings of the faces & appearances of the planets by such a kind of Contrivance represented on Concave glasses then by the ordinary way of Tubes especially if we would a little more study the specula concava (vel parabolica, vel sphærica) & have them of the segments of large circles.   And now having given you these 2 hints if you will command me any thing more particularly in these experiments, [deletion] for[altered] the clearing of any thing I shall willingly readily & gladly doe it. Yet further.
     Our Frind Hartlib Senior writes mee a passage out of one of youre Letters, wherein you mention an Observation of that singular judicious & Industrious Physician Iacobus Bontius Method: Medendi cap.XVI de Iecore Lamiæ Piscis, which you desire him to take notice of. This coming to my hand from him I thought good to acqvaint you, that Bontius being a Low-Dutch man had this experiment as I presume from his Countreyman the plain honest yet more expert Physitian of his Age, Forrestus, who giveth you a more full & expresse Account of this fish, & the excellency of the liver of it for the eyes, lib.XI. Observ. XXXV. Where in the Scholion vpon it you will find as much as you can desire for the particulars of it, as also of other remedies against the same distemper that are methodicall.
     I say I presume they doe meane both one & the same thing, because they are for one & the same effect, & chosen out of one & the same part vizt. the Liver of the fish & mentioned as a specificum by both, though first Bontius & he differ in the name. Bontius calling it in Dutch Een Haye, Forrestus, in Dutch, Aelpuycke. Bontius by the Latine name intimating it to bee a sea fish, & of the larger sort; the other a River fish, & such a kind as is small & as wee call sand eeles. Bontius commends the Liver also internally to be eaten with salt. Forrestus makes no mention at all of the Livers use inwardly but only of the oyle outwardly. Bontius seemeth to applye it to the eye itselfe, the other rather to the haires of the eyelid being contented that the eye receive as it were the odor[altered] or Influence of it. Notwithstanding all which differences vpon consideration that Bontius might possibly mistake the name or might want a name in Latine to expresse it by, for as much also as Forrestus is much more accurate & particular then Bontius is, & doth speake rather his experience then history, I doe beleeve or at least incline to thincke

the good old man was more in the Right. Though I also wonder wee should have no more mention[altered] made of it in later writers, being a medicament so easily gott in Holland & so highly extolled by him.
     Our Frind Hartlib also sent me a Receipt from you, said to be certaine for the Red Water, which is a disease that is mortall in great cattell, being common Vitriol taken in Ale. To reqvite you for which I shall also acqvaint you with a medicine said to be as certaine against the Rott in sheepe & and farcy in horses which is the former 4 ounces to the other double the Qvantity of the Infusion of the Antimony Cup boyled in ale & so given inwardly the cattle being first brought into the house.      And now Sir I could be very glad with you that wee were for some time at a lesse distance then wee are at present more freely & largely to discourse of our medicinall & Philosophicall Principles, the rather because you have power (if ever the Lord bring vs to meete) to challenge from mee the free discovery & plaine demonstration of those principles which I have acqvainted you with in generall, & which seeme as yet to bee the most certaine, usefull & necessary of any I have mett with in my owne thoughts to begin a sollid & practicall foundation of medicine vpon. And which I must needs say the Lord was pleased to say lead me much into from that Essay I had laid vpon myselfe; for discovering the Traine or series of natures operation in those Cures wrought by the sympathetick powder, of which I before Wrote to you. The whole doctrine that is propounded lying first on a diligent inqvisition of the nature & essence of Health. Secondly In a search after those particulars which are necessarily reqvisit for the constitution of Health.   3d In comparing dilucidating these by other vniversall & particular Instances in Nature of bodies perfect. This being a certaine & vnerring rule, that wee doe best measure imperfection by perfection; but not the contrary. The perfection of health therefore & its true definition, & wherein it doth in truth really & immediatly consist, must bee first knowne, asserted & demonstrated, & that not singly only, but out <H: of> the general course of nature, & this must bee first agreed vpon before we can vpon a certaine ground determine the Rise causes & diferences of sicknes or distempers according to that of Galen: Medicum prius cognoscere oporteat id qvod est secundùm naturam, deindè id qvod præter naturam. The narrow, strict & discriminating Inqviry lyeth therefore in the particulars (really truely & demonstratively) of the naturall con- [catchword: stitution]

stitution out of which health is said said to be the Result what they truely are, how many they be, in what principally placed, & this how it may be proved. These 3. things thus premised the next Inqviry is what may dissolve this naturall & well constituted Oeconomy of nature, or how many waies it may possibly bee dissolved. 5th. Whether it be possible to assigne all the causes of the dissolution of natures Oeconomy that they are neither more nor fewer nor may be possibly, that they are these & noe other, & how that this may bee proved or will consist with the generall Course of nature. 6. How these causes being supposed to be such only & soe many only as they are described will answer to all those things that occasions commonly such & such distempers, as are familiar. 7. How these causes being supposed will answer to the severall specifique experiments of the Empiricorum, to the severall Methodis medendi Galenisturum, Iatro Astrologorum, Paracelsitarum, vel Iatro CHymicorum, Helmontistarum & Adeptorum. For there being in all these 6. sects of Physitians something that is certaine & experimentall, something also that is as distinct & peculiar as it is true. There cannot therefore possibly be any true & certaine grounds of Medicine I meane especially of the Aeriologicall or Pathologicall part of it, That will not answer to all things of certaine knowne & familiar experiment in the cure of healinge. And here I shall acqvaint you freely with some other exercises of this nature .
     First, that it is one thing to use a method in healing & cleare another thing to resolve within a mans selfe the grounds & manner of its operation. And therefore though Physitians may perhap be justifyed in part of their practise, & particularly in the use of Catharticke medicines, which with all respect to Helmont must not be wholly disallowed & condemned as absurd because contrary to some appearance of Reason when the successive experience of so many Ages as from the time of Hypocrates & vpwards have by certaine proofe found the benefit of them & allowed them. Yet the Schooles may perhap justly be condemned & taxed for absurdity in the reasons they give, or grounds they propose for the justifying of that Practise, especially in the freqvent & indiscriminate use of them. For though any Person whatsoever may bee tolerated in the use of those things he hath often experienced yet if for that good which by experience he hath found; he can assigne no ground or cause in nature or if hee assigne such as ground & cause only as is ridiculous vnintelligible or inconsistent with other principles, He will never bee able to gaine the opinion of being rationall or Methodicall. In like manner it will bee with them who will maintaine Purges & the use of them, because they doe [catchword: select]

select out & carry away those humors that are bad, vitiate & corrupt or who will maintaine them because they have a power to cause <cause> a fermentation. The first of these Reasons being wholly disagreable[altered] to experience & sound Iudgement to the confession also of some Physitians themselves. The latter rather telling us how they doe purge, then how they do good. He therefore that will establish an Aetiology (or doctrine of the causes of distempers) certainly, must lay downe such, as are only consistent with the generall experiences & methods used in Medicine in all ages & nations. But such also as must resolve the right grounds for & use of all such method.
     Secondly. It is considerable that if men will institute Cures of distempers by & according to a method, the method & wayes of removing distempers must necessarily then bee adeqvate to the several grounds or causes of the said distempers. And if wee at any time either wholly decline the method we institute, or do confesse the method itselfe in all its parts to bee insufficient, wee doe by that plainely declare that our vnderstanding of distempers & their causes is no lesse insufficient. But that the Method of healing is sometimes declined, & all its parts plainely declared to be insufficient in some distempers is most manifest by all their writings & practise in the Plague, in spotted & pestilentiall fever, in poysons & venemous bytings of serpents, & in whatsoever manifestly commeth by contagion or Infection in all which distempers as no solid Physitian that I know of dare to Iustify the constant letting of blood, or prescribing of Purges as a course rationall methodicall or Iudicious; so none of them doe thinck alterations which is the 3d part of their methodicall [8 words deleted] helpes to bee <in this case> sufficient. They in all these Classes of disseases being forced only to seeke one sort of Remedy which is specificall & which they by a generall name call Alexipharmaca. The diseases themselves & indeed their Scholia Iudgement or Observations vpon them: The infinite variety of symtomes attending them together with their owne method, & prescriptions for the cure of them, all plainely declaring that though they are not Reall but perniciously mortall distempers, yet they neither arise from or immediatly consist in an excesse or distemper of the 4 first qvalityes nor in a Plethora nor in a Cacochymia but in some other thing, which yet hath received no name from them. Thirdly He that will endeavour to lay true & sure grounds for the reformation or augmentation of the Art of Medicine must likewise not only have a respect to the severall methods & Rules (for the practise of it) among Physitians, but also to their observations or Hystoryes which really & truely are the best & choycest grounds to build a Iudgement vpon in [catchword: Physick]

Physick. In reguard that first among them we finde many things out of the common rule of Practise & therefore the more observable. Secondly We may by these more purely observe the course, way & method of nature. Now among other observations wee shall freqvently finde the mention of such who after all things have beene used that might bee propounded Rationally & Dogmatically & that alltogether in vaine, yet have beene recoverd afterward by some sleight & inconsiderable meanes. Wee shall find also, that many using those helpes that are very familiar & common & such as are judged free of any noxious harmefull or poysonous nature. Yet have fallen freqvently into very direfull & horrid symptomes & into very dangerous & grievous passions. Both such sort of Observations have their dependency vpon the matter vpon one ground & are no more strange in nature then that Eggs should be abhorrent to some, cheese to others, eeles to a 3d A Breast of mutton to a 4th. I know a great Lady at this day of your acqvaintance also, whom Honey of Roses, either outwardly applied or inwardly taken will bring vnto death. No marvell then, if wee sometime finde Syrup of Violets, sometimes a gentle infusion of Roses, sometime sennes, sometime Rhewbarbs, sometimes Aloes, sometimes Zallop, sometimes an alternative potion or decoction only of some pearles produce such sad symptomes in nature as they speake of which neverthelesse must be vpon record as wonders & things exceedingly to be admired by them who;
     1.   Consider the powere of nothing to have any deeper roote then the Crasis or proper temper arising from the mixture of the 4 prime qvalityes, who
     2ly Consider not there is a sense not only in the mouth of the stomack but even in other parts of the body much more subtile, then that we exercise either by Tast or sight or smell. Who.
     3ly Know not or[altered] consider not how or which way things may propagate the vertue power or force they have vpon other things vnto an extensive sphære of Activity as is manifest by the bites or stings principally of those 2. little Creatures the Scorpion & Tarantula. Who
     4ly know not how to distingvish between the precious & immortal minde of man: & this rarefiable, coagulable & corruptible spirit in the pulse & Arteries of us which a little meate, drinke, passion or anything in excesse so soone disorders.
Fourthly He that will lay any sure grounds for the Reformation or Instauration of the Art of medicine must in some measure know what is the Roote of death in every man (An inqviry that wee finde hath beene taken vp by none of the least or meanest of Physitians. An inqviry also that may have another manner of solution then is perhap commonly given)

What also & in what consists the rootes ground or head of all venom or poyson. For it may be did wee rightly know all the Gates & Avenues of death wee should not thincke it either Enthusiasticke or Ridiculous either to affirme or to expect a freedome of <or> Liberation from the common state of mortality & corruption: which state there are some perhap in the earth also (though not knowne save vnto some few) who presume & that not without ground they shall see.
     And shall wee see that some things have a power to intoxicate others a power to make us dull drowsy forgett, other things to make the exercise of our senses for a time wholly lost to us. Shall wee say also all these effects & so the power & vertues of these plants do depend on naturall causes. And shall wee forget that common action, Qvod contraria sunt sub eodem genere. Or shall wee bee soe weake & inconsiderate as to thincke there is any power that is purely Physicall which hath not another Power to counterpoyse & Ballance it & to eqvall the contrary effects of it.
     Nay consider Sir if this be not plainely to taxe the great buylder of nature for bringing forth a System, The powers & parts of which are disproportionate & irregular. It being very warily to be (as well deepely) considered, as distinguished by us (viz.) between what powers are in nature symply; & what powers only doe appeare to us. Betweene things really & truely excellent & incorrupt; & really & truely existent (though lying & remaining hid) & things outwardly defaced & corrupted.
     Shall wee argue with the common husbandman that there is no medicine able to sure his distemper, because there is not vertue enough in a Possett made with Pepper to doe it. Will not any Physitian smile at such a Rash & hasty Conclusion. And is it an argument of a more excellent stampe or of greater[altered] strength, or betraying more Iudgement to Reason or conclude that there is no possibility in nature to avoid Corruption or to free from that death or mortality common to man: because there is nothing in the Apothecaryes that being administred will bee able to effect it.
     Shall wee say that there is no power or possibility in the flesh or kernell of the Wallnut to nourish because it is covered with a shell [catchword: that is]

that is woody & hard or with an outward rinde, that is bitter[altered from better] vnpleasant & loathsome to the stomacke.     But perhap Sir you will easily object that the comparison are not eqvall & that death is not to bee considered by us as a subject that is barely Physicall, or as a Power that may bee placed vpon a eqvall or indifferent Poyse in nature. But as that which is necessarily laid vpon all men; & which wee finde to depend vpon a fatality or decree; the force of which can bee avoided by none, & that therefore all the Philosophy that can be spent about it, especially as to any Præmunition or fence against it is but a meere vaine & empty specualtion.
     To this I humbly answer Sir That man when by the change of his (Guide or of his Leader or) Light; he had misled himself into another more darke & different condition then that wherein he was. And when by the change of it, he fell from Paradyse & became changed in the very nature, Powers, principles & Operations of his life; was as truely subjected to death as he had submitted himself vnto darkenesse. Yea death was made both necessary & inevitable vnto all, in all, & over all where darkenesse doth & did remaine. Darkenesse introducing lust, lust sinne, sinne death. Neverthelesse wee are expressely to know, that this subjection or this state of mortality, or the capability of it; as such did not, nor doth not extingvish that spirit in man that hath life in its roote.
     For though it is manifest that darkenesse hath covered the face of this great & wide & indefinite Deepe (I meane the wide or deepe or indefinit soule, minde, or spirit of a man) so that it seeth or knoweth or perceives nothing, when it comes into the World that is like vnto itself) so also as that for a time it putts forth no motion[altered] or operation that is proper to it, or it may distingvish it from the common nature of other visible & sensative Creatures. Although also there are whole Nations both at this day & in all former ages over whom this naturall darkenesse hath so much power, force & prevalency, that during their whole life they are very hardly to bee distingvished from the common & brutish nature. And in whom nothing seemeth to shine that may demonstrate them to bee of a more excellent order. And although therefore to him [catchword: that shall]

that shall consider the generality of men, & the generality of their Actions this plunge or immersion of the soule in darkenesse & sense seemeth desperate. And indeed wholly vnredeemeable.
     Yet if on the other hand wee compare the actions of a man with that of a child: the actions of a civilised Nation with that of a salvage & barbarous, the actions of a learned Philosopher[altered], Mechanicke ot Mathematician with that of a Fisherman or common Tradesman. The science of a Schooleman, of a Caballist of an Vniversall Schollar with that of a Ideot or common Clowne I say if wee consider the strange Bookes that are written the many subjects handled the severall Arts Invented, The multitudes of Lawes enacted & the subtility of that Policy & Government among men that is used, wee shall not bee able but justly to admire how the soule should so much recover herself & should arrive at such an advantage & pitch above itself at first & above the Rates of others also. So that wee may cleerly see that that Darkenesse that did at first so totally cover it, & not only soe but suppressed as it were the whole motions of it yet was not able to null the powers of it nor for longer then a short time to conceale it.
     This being thus carefully premised (which shall desire you seriously to consider) let us then in the 2nd place weigh whether this darkenesse wee speake of be laid vpon us by a fatality or necessity or no, & doubtlesse you will grant.
  1. That though all men come into the world alike darke, yet all men live not in the world so alike, some having raised & angelicall spirits while others are but Brutish & sottish
  2. That as no man hath a priviledge above another to be borne with any knowledge, so it falleth not vpon any man afterward by accident: without his owne labour, search, study & Travell for it.
  3. That the beginning of this knowledge & the acqvisition of it so farr as diligence & assiduity of labour & paines is spent or used for the Purchase of it. Consists much therefore in a mans owne freedome & Liberty.
  4. That neverthelesse not only this freedome & liberty but even all manner of desire & industry in man to this end, would have [catchword: beene]

beene vaine & fruitlesse at least in comparison: had not God himself afforded meanes for the improving incouraging & advantaging of him in his spirit & knowledge. As is manifest by the different Nations & Ages of men, where, & when the Gospell or true Religion of God has been worshipped.
  5. That besides the variety of meanes God hath affoorded to man for the enlightning & redeeming of him, Hee hath further made a promise to give wisedome, & to give his spirit to them that shall aske it, or in the sense of their owne want & darkenesse, shall seeke to him faithfully vnfeignedly & syncerely for it.
  6. That as hee hath in no part of the Scripture limited this his promise & gift of light, of knowledge, of Wisedome & of the Spirit. But will at all times give yet more grace & more, if we continue lowly, poore & humble vnder it. And are willing to owne ourselves free Receivers of it & debtors to him for it, & as Stewards also in the faithfull disposing it so he hath in divers places incouraged much an extraordinary hope or expectation of fullnesse in this kind. To bee more especially fullfilled in the latter daies. The performance of which as hee has in some measure begun & given the earnest of (to such as hee has given discerning to see it) so the full accomplishment of those promises & times is not in vaine expected from him.
  7. It cannot bee denyed therefore but there is a plaine possibility held out in Scripture for our being recovered out of the bondage, power, darknesse or naturall blindnesse of flesh & our sense by the light power spirit & wisedome of God. But it is certaine, that hee that willeth not the darkenesse of any willeth not the death of any. Death therefore is not for these reasons made absolutely fatall & necessary by God which was the thing indeavoured to be proved.
  8. For if this bee granted (viz.) that there is plaine promise & therefore a possibility of our Recovery from the blindnesse of sense promise & hope of the changing of our lives (viz.) of the changing of that life which is now usually according to flesh & sense into that which is a life according to & in the spirit.
  9. But it is manifest that where the Roote of life is changed, there the Con- [catchword: seqvences]

seqvences attending it are changed. As a state of darkenesse therefore is a state of weakenesse, so a State of light is a State of power. As a state of darkenesse & sense & brutishnesse is a necessary & inevitable state of corruption & death, & cannot as wee acknowledge possibly be otherwise; so a state of light & exercise of power according to the spirit is a state of a life, or a state above the Power Reach or comprehension of death, We conclude That
(10.)That therefore which is not possible to the ordinary humane learning & wisedome of man may be possible to man by through & & in the Wisedome of God. That which is not possible to the utmost power of the flesh or to the utmost comprehension of Reason, so farr as it stayes or leaneth[altered] itself vpon sense & the dictates of flesh. May be possible to the power of the spirit of man when coming to vnderstand itself & to bee acqvainted with the powers & priviledges of itself. That which is not possible in one age is not to bee concluded simply impossible as to all ages. & so that which is not possible in one dispensation is not to be concluded impossible in or vnder all dispensations of times. Thirdly to discusse this qvestion yet a little further. If we aske who is the author or hath the proper power of death it will presently bee answered, the Divell. For soe sayth the Scripture expressely Hebrews 2d.14. <Secondly> But the same that hath the power of death is by the same scripture styled the Prince & him that hath the power of the aire. Thirdly He is called a Murtherer by the Scripture & one that is soe (as well as a Lyar) from the beginning; Intimating that our death how or by what meanes soever caused is that which is gracefull to him & stands in the will & desire alwayes of him. Fourthly As none therefore can truely Murther but the Divell, so neither [he? faded] but as he is a Creature;& as his Rule & dominion is permitted to him in the Aire. Fifthly Working as a Creature he workes only by the power of nature. We conclude therefore That the Divell doth not otherwise bring man vnto death (vnlesse by a speciall & extraordinary permission) then by those wayes as he bringeth all other things to a state of Corruption: vizt. by Rarefaction & Coagulation & so by Introducing into things an alteration of their genuine State & the condition proper to him. Now if man have a power in his spirit greater then that of the Divell who is no more than a spirit, nor so much indeed as one of our spirits. If man also through the wisedome of his spirit knoweth how to temper the aire how so to correct it or medicate it as to avoid the evill Influences of it. If man also by wisedome knoweth wherein the roote of sicknesse death & Corruption stands in himself & hath the healing Water of an incorruptible fountain discovered to him. All which wee must plainely say we beleeve Possible, then Death for this Reason as well as for the former is not fatall. This as perfect darkenesse or a perfect privation of all actuall knowledge (which is the state that every man hath when he commeth first into the world) doth not make null nor can possibly extingvish that Roote of Light & Truth that is in us so a perfect Corruptiblenesse & obnoxiousnesse to all manner of Physicall passion, misery & death how much soever to be acknowledged by us doth not take away, or can make frustrate, the power of life or possibility of Redemption that doth as truely & virtually (as the light itself) lye hid in the spirit./