order and in such peace, that there needed no reconsilement amongst them. An other tyme the sayd Iohn the Patriarch was at the seruice and reading the Gospell in the Church, þe people (as their vsed maner is) went out of the church to talke & iangle: he perceauing that, went out likewise, and sat amongst them: wherat they marueling to see him do so, My children sayd he, where þe flock is, ther ought þe shepeheard to be: wherfore either come you in, that I may also come in with you, or ells if you tarye out, I will likewise tary out together with you, &c.[Back to Top]
Marginalia The actes of Gregory the first.As touching the actes and deedes of Gregorye aboue mentioned, how he withstoode the ambitious pryde of Iohn, Patriarche of Constantinople, which woulde be the vniuersall priest, and onely chiefe bishop of all other: declaring him to be no lesse then the forerunner of Antichrist, that woulde take that name vpon him: how and with what reasons he aunswered agayne the letters of the Emperour Mauritius in that behalfe, sufficient relation is made therof in the first entre, and the. 3. page of this booke. This Gregorye among many other thinges induced into the church (the specialties wherof hereafter shall follow Christ willing more at large) first beganne and brought in, this title among the Romaine bishops, to be called Seruus seruorum Dei: Marginalia Wherupon the Romaine byshops vse in theyr stile, Seruus seruorum Dei.putting them in remembraunce therby both of their humblenes, and also of their dutie in the church of Christ. Moreouer as concerning his acte for the sole life of priestes first begonne, and then broken agayne. Also concerning the order of Gregories Massebooke to be receaued in all churches: hereof who so listeth to reade more, shall finde the same in other places hereafter, namely when we come to the tyme of Pope Hadrian the first.[Back to Top]
Marginalia Fabianus bishop of Rome.After the death of Gregorie aboue mentioned,
Foxe's narrative of the earliest Christian Saxon kingdoms only appeared in the 1570 edition for the first time. He attempted to weave together the evidence for God's providential inspiration towards those rulers and their kingdoms under whom Christianity was advanced. Edwin, king of Northumbria, is the cornerstone of his demonstration. Foxe could not ignore the contemporary parallel of his queen, already converted to Christianity, who 'ceased not to styrre and perswade the kyng to Chrisian faith'. In a lengthy aside, Foxe pointed out how she served as a godly goad, reminding Edwin of the connection between the afflictions of his kingdom and his failure to convert: 'for by affliction God vseth commonly to call them whom he wyl saue, or by whom he wil worke saluation vnto other'. Misfortune was an essential component of God's providence - and Foxe included the real dangers which had confronted Queen Elizabeth before her accession: 'How hardely escaped this our Quene now being, [...] by whom yet notwithstanding it hath ploeased God to restore this his Gospel now preached amongest vs?' Foxe's point in these remarks was probably to redirect the reader to a proper consideration of the relationship between God and human affairs, and away from the 'miracles' which so frequently accompanied the conversiaon stories of the early Saxon rulers. His problem was that his sources seemed often so unanimous about them - defying the renaissance techniques of source collation, comparison and analysis through which he was trying to rewrite the history of the coming of Christianity to the British Isles. Of Oswald's miraculous hand, preserved from putrifaction by the benediction of St Aidan, all Foxe's sources were in accord. His comment was one of measured scepticism: 'What the stories say more concernyng this hand of Oswald, I entend not to medle farther then simple, trye and dew probabilitie, will beare me out'. Of the 'miracle' accompanying the conversion of the king of the West Saxons, which recounted Birinus, walking back to France from midway across the Channel in order to recover his stole ('pallula'), Foxe mused: 'if it be a fable, as no doubt it is, I cannot by maruell that so many autors so constantly agree in reporting & affirming the same'. For the miracles of St Oswald, 'what it pleased the people of that tyme to reporte of him, I haue not here to affirme', Foxe preferring to emphasise 'the goodnes and charitie of Oswald toward the people' and prominently citing his sources for that. Throughout the section, Foxe balanced sceptical accounts of the 'miracles' accounted to the early Saxon kings with the more concrete evidence for their foundations in bricks and mortar at York, Westminster, and elsewhere.[Back to Top]
Foxe pursued his energetic comparison and collation of the sources that he used for the construction of his narrative elsewhere in book 2. For the brief evocation of Pope Sabinianus and Boniface III, his source was Bale's Catalogus (pp. 63; 69). For King Ethelbert of Kent, Foxe probably started with Fabian's Chronicle (R. Fabyan, The Chronicle of Fabian [London, 1559], book 5, ch. 120), which alerted him to the fact that there were different opinions on the matter. He seems to have pursued them independently in William of Malmesbury's Gesta Pontificium, Henry of Huntingdon's Chronicle, and possibly Bede's Ecclesiastical History. For King Ethelfride of Northumbria and Edwin's conflict with Ethelbert of Kent and subsequent flight to King Redwald, we should not be too impressed by his glosses referring to Geoffrey of Monmouth and Gerald of Wales. He almost certainly copied this material directly from Fabian. For the reign of Edwin of Northumbria, including the letter sent from Pope Boniface V, Foxe's principal source was once more Fabian's Chronicle (book 5, ch. 130) although he perhaps sought confirmation from Henry of Huntingdon's Chronicle (T. Arnold, ed. Henry of Huntingdon. Henrici Huntendunensis Historia Anglorum, the History of the English, by Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, from B. C. 55 to A. D. 1154 [London: Rolls Series, 1879], book 3, chs. 34-8). For the activities of Archbishop Paulinus after Edwin's death, we have a good example of how we should not take Foxe's glosses on his sources at face value. He mentions Henry of Huntingdon and Matthew Paris' Flores Historiarum. Yet, when we pursue the source for Foxe's confident assertion that Paulinus remained at Rochester for 19 years, it transpires that this comes from neither source, but is to be found only in Ranulph Higden's Polychronicon (J. R. Lumby, ed. Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden monachi Cestrensis: together with the English translations of John Trevisa and of an unknown writer of the fifteenth century [London: Rolls Series, 1879], book 5, ch. 12). For Foxe's narrative of Oswald as King of Northumbria, Foxe's main source was once more Fabian's Chronicle (book 5, ch. 130), which provided him with the references to Geoffrey of Monmouth and the Polychronicon. Foxe also consulted John Brompton's Chronicle (J. Brompton, 'Chronicon Johannis Brompton Abbatis Jornalensis.' In Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores X. [....], ed. by Roger Twysden [London, 1652], cols 784-8) and William of Malmesbury's Gesta Regum for this section (J. S. Brewer, and C. T. Martin, 'William of Malmesbury: Gesta Regum.' In Reigistrum Malmesburiense. The Registor of Malmesbury Abbey, ed. by J.S. Brewer and C.T. Martin [London: Rolls Series, 1869-1880], book 1, ch. 49). Foxe cites some Latin directly from Brompton's Chronicle in his description of Berinus in England. On the death of Oswald, Foxe directly copied some of the material from Fabian's Chronicle (book 5, ch. 134); and for the character of Oswine and his murder, Foxe turned to Henry Huntingdon's Chronicle (book 9, chs. 14-17). For the final brief references in this section to Oswy, King of Northumbria and Bede, once again, Foxe turned mainly to Fabian's Chronicle (book 5, ch, 134) though it is possible that he had directly consulted Bede's Ecclesiastical History (book 4, ch. 18).[Back to Top]
Matthew Phillpott and Mark Greengrass
University of Sheffield
Mention was made a litle before of Ethelbert King of Kent, and also of Ethelfride king of Northsaxons or Northumbria. This Ethelbert who hauing vnder hys subiection all the other Saxon kings, vnto Humber: after he had first receaued himself, and caused to be receaued of other, the Christian fayth, by the preaching of Austen confyrmed afterward in the same fayth, among other costlye deedes, with the helpe of Sigebert king of Essex hys nephew, then reigning vnder him,
Fabian. cap. 120.
Ethelbert and Sigebert builders of Paules church.began the foundation of Paules Church within the Citie of London, and ordained it for the Bishops see of London. For the Archbishops see which before time had bene at London, was by Austen and this Ethelbert at the prayer of the Citizens of Dorobernia translated to the sayd citie. Mameisberiensis. lib. de pontific. Marginalia The Archbishops see translated from London to Dorobernia
Mamesberiensis. lib. de pontifi.
H. Huntyngton. lib. 3.Wherfore such authors as say that Paules was builded by Sigebert, say not amysse: which Sigebert was the king of Essex, in which prouince standeth the citie of London. This Ethelbert also founded the Church of S. Andrewe in the citie of Dorubres in Kent, now called Rochester, of one Rot, distant from Dorobernia. 24. myles. Of thys citie, Iustus was Byshop ordayned before by Austen. Moreouer the forenamed Ethelbert styrred vp a dweller or Citizin of London to make a chappell or church of S. Peter in the west end of London, thē called Thorney, now þe towne of Westminster: which church or chappell was after by Edward the confessour Marginalia The Edward was the thyrd of that name before the conquest. enlarged or new builded: Marginalia The monastery of Westminster.lastly of Henry the thyrd it was newlye againe reedified and made as it is now a large Monastery, &c. After these Christian and worthye actes this Marginalia An. 616Ethelbert whē he had reigned the course of. lvj. yeares, chaunged this mortall life about the yeare of our Lord. 616. whō some stories saye to be slayne in a fight betwene hym and Edelfride king of the Northsaxons.
Marginalia Bloud reuēged with bloud.In the meane tyme the foresayd Ethelfride kyng of Northūberland, after the cruel murther of the Monkes of Bangor, escaped not long vnpayed his hire: for after he had raygned. 24. yeares, he was slaine in the field of Edwyne, who succeded in Northumberlāde after him.
Edwine fyrst Christened king in Northumberland.
Giraldus Cambrensis.This Edwyne being the sonne not of Ethelfride (as Galfridus Monumetensis saith, but rather of Alla (as Giraldus Cambrensis semeth to witnes more truly) was first a Panim or idolater: afterward by Paulinus was christened, and the first christened king in Northumberland. The occasion of which his calling or conuersion, as is in sundry stories contayned, was this.
Marginalia The order and maner of the conuersion of Edwine, to the faith of Christ.Edwine being yet a Pagane, maried the daughter of Ethelbert king of Kent, called Edelburge a Christen woman, otherwise called Tace. But before this mariage, Edwyne being yet yong, Ethelfride þe king, conceiuing enuy against him: persecuted him so sore, þt he was forced to flee to Redwaldus, K. of Eastāgles, as in þe table of þe kings is aboue expressed. Marginalia The trouble of Edwyne.The which Redwald9, what for feare, what with bribes being corrupted of Ethelfride, at length priuely had intēded to haue betrayed Edwyne. But as Gods wyl was, Edwyne hauing warning therof by a secret friend of hys, was moued to flee & to saue himself, being promised also of his frende to be safelye conueyed away, if he would thereto agree. To whom Edwine sayde: whether shall I flee, whiche haue so long fleene the handes of myne enemies through all prouinces of the realme. And if I must nedes be slayne, I had rather that he should doo it, then an other vnwor-[Back to Top]